Fidest – Agenzia giornalistica/press agency

Quotidiano di informazione – Anno 30 n° 340

Posts Tagged ‘election’

Le Parlement européen (PE) issu des élections du 26 mai 2019 sera probablement différent du Parlement actuel

Posted by fidest press agency su martedì, 13 novembre 2018

Une montée des extrêmes? Elle est probable, mais elle sera sans doute limitée à l’échelle du Parlement : seuls les grands pays envoient des contingents importants de députés européens, le départ des députés britanniques amoindrira le camp des nationalistes, les courants classés à la droite de la droite traditionnelle représentent déjà 20% du Parlement actuel, et resteront probablement assez divisés.Du côté de la gauche radicale, une forte recomposition n’est pas envisagée, même si elle pourrait légèrement progresser.Les difficultés internes des deux grandes familles politiques traditionnelles, le PPE (Parti populaire européen, droite), et les socialistes/socio-démocrates, les affaibliraient au point de leur faire perdre la majorité de 55% dont elles disposent actuellement.Au total, même si une majorité hostile à l’intégration européenne ou capable d’en modifier le logiciel actuel est moins vraisemblable qu’on ne le prétend, des majorités seront plus difficiles à construire à l’avenir et les relations inter-institutionnelles pourraient en être modifiées.D’où le rôle à jouer pour le groupe du « centre », quelles que soient les options choisies par La République en Marche, ainsi que pour les Verts, qui devraient progresser, et compter davantage que par le passé.Les rééquilibrages, voire une recomposition autour d’une charnière centrale, pourraient avoir des conséquences importantes sur la désignation du futur président de la Commission européenne qui est élu par le Parlement européen, et deviendra, de fait, le chef d’une coalition parlementaire qu’il faudra construire.Ce texte est le produit des réflexions d’un groupe de travail présidé par Pascal Lamy, président emeritus de l’Institut Jacques Delors, avec Christine Verger, conseillère de l’Institut Jacques Delors comme rapporteure, composé de Pervenche Berès, députée européenne, Jean-Louis Bourlanges, député français, Monica Frassoni, co-présidente d’un parti européen, Valentin Kreilinger, chercheur au Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin, Alain Lamassoure, député européen, Alessia Mosca, députée européenne, et Geneviève Pons, directrice du bureau de Bruxelles de l’Institut Jacques Delors. (by Institut Jacques Delors)

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Comment on the next general election in Brazil

Posted by fidest press agency su martedì, 9 ottobre 2018

From Tim Jagger, Head of Emerging Market Debt, e Ilan Furman, Portfolio Manager, Global Emerging Markets Equities di Columbia Threadneedle Investments. Since former President’s Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment in December 2015, the Brazilian administration has been pushing measures aimed at stabilising Brazil’s fiscal path and turning around state-owned companies. However, the country experienced a deep recession in 2015 and 2016, with GDP contracting by 3.5% each year. Since then the Government’s reform agenda, coupled with a recovery in commodity prices (such as iron and oil) have helped Brazil’s recovery as evident in GDP growth resumption coupled with low inflation and low interest rates.
Brazil’s general election starts this weekend with the first round of voting taking place on 7 October. The outcome is particularly hard to predict given the country’s very polarised political landscape. The current administration, PSDB, led by Geraldo Alkmin, has little public support, even though it brought about positive reform for the country and the politician with the most support, Lula, has been ruled out of the process by the courts as he is current serving time in jail.The Brazilian election process takes place in two rounds and two main candidates have emergedFernando Haddad, the former mayor of Sao Paulo, is supported by the popular Lula and represents the worker’s party (PT) Jair Bolsonaro, often referred to as the Brazilian Donald Trump, is a relatively controversial figure in Brazil due to some of his far right views. However, he is the favoured candidate by the markets, due to his choice of economics team, led by Pulo Guedes, a Chicago trained economist and a successful entrepreneur in Brazil’s financial markets. We expect there to be no winner during the first round of elections on 7 October, with Jair Bolsonaro likely to face Fernando Haddad in the second round on 28 October. However, there is no clear leader between them in the polls.While the election uncertainty is high, the country’s macroeconomics and corporate sector are in good shape, especially when compared to two or three years ago. Brazil’s corporate sector has many high-quality companies with strong balance sheets and strong market positioning. This has led to high structural profitability and attractive dividend yields.Several companies in Brazil are exposed to secular growth, where trends are driven by factors such as lower banking penetration and labour force formalisation. This is resulting in high growth in sectors such as asset management and insurance; and digitalization of the retail sector, reflected by high growth rates of digital payments companies. In our portfolios we continue to focus on high-quality names, using election volatility to our benefit. (by BC Communication)

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Pessimism and optimism on Germany after its election

Posted by fidest press agency su martedì, 26 settembre 2017

german electionThe far-right Alternative for Germany, a party with real neo-Nazis in it, is on track for 93 seats. It might even come first in the state of Saxony, where its lead candidate is a man who rails against “mixed peoples” and Germany’s “cult of guilt” about the Holocaust. In the Bundestag the party will enjoy resources and prominence: hundreds of staff members, allocated speaking time under the glass dome of the Reichstag building and seats on prime-time political talk shows from where it can spread its messages and thus advance further. It is only a matter of time until it joins a coalition at state level. The shouty “Elephant Round” (a post-election TV discussion between the party leaders, pictured above with the Free Democrats’ Christian Lindner and Angela Merkel) was the overture to a new period of political discord in a once-harmonious country.Meanwhile the two main parties that have underpinned Germany’s reputation for centrist sensibleness—the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and Social Democrats (SPD)—are on their lowest combined vote share since the war. The SPD having ruled out a new “grand coalition” with her, a weakened Angela Merkel must now form a highly wobbly and possibly dysfunctional “Jamaica” coalition with the right-liberal FDP and the environmentalist Greens, who have spent much of the past few weeks at each other’s throats.
The Christian Social Union, the CDU’s Bavarian sister party, seems to have ended its pre-election ceasefire and is now grumpier than ever, having lost about a quarter of its support ahead of a crucial state election in Bavaria next year. It is demanding that Mrs Merkel secure her right flank. Meanwhile with the somewhat Eurosceptic FDP in the finance ministry, optimistic talk of a new Franco-German axis can go out the window.
Germany is launched into a period of new political instability and just at the point when other problems are starting to grow. The mighty car industry is in crisis. The baby boomer bulge is about to retire. The infrastructure is deteriorating. Demands on Germany to do more for international security are growing. The work of integrating the over 1m people who arrived since Mrs Merkel conspicuously kept the country’s doors open two years ago is still young. Dark clouds are gathering over the country.
Germany has generously taken in over 1m people in two years. There was bound to be a reaction, not least given the way Mrs Merkel handled the decision: taking it at the last minute, without much consultation and without “rolling the pitch” of public opinion first. Meanwhile she made basic, corrigible mistakes during her election campaign. This was intellectually lazy, offering platitudes (for a Germany in which we live well and gladly) rather than engaging in difficult debates. She underestimated voters’ discernment and paid a fair price, nonetheless doing just fractionally worse than in her first two successful bids for the chancellory, in 2005 and 2009.In any case, the AfD’s performance—high at 13% but short of private pre-election predictions of 15% or more—was part of a broader story: the rise of smaller parties tapping into voter restlessness after 12 years of Mrs Merkel, during eight of which she has helmed flabby grand-coalitions with the SPD. In many respects this fragmentation is a fair response to a tired and platitudinous political establishment summed up by the dismal TV debate between Mrs Merkel and Martin Schulz, her SPD rival—which compared unfavourably with a more substantive debate at the small parties’ encounter two days later.
german election1The result could even reinvigorate German democracy. The SPD is returning to opposition, where Mr Schulz’s natural pugilism will come into its own and, together with the modernising energies of figures like Manuela Schwesig, could enable the party to go into the post-Merkel election in 2021 revived and newly competitive. In the meantime it may well outshine the chaotic and infighting-ridden AfD, which will be forced by the rigours of the legislature to alienate parts of its sprawling and disjointed electoral coalition (“the relationship between the AfD and its voters is weak”, notes Cas Mudde, an authority on populism). New powers and resources might give the AfD’s high command more things to fight about. And there is such a thing as bad publicity.Meanwhile the Jamaica coalition Mrs Merkel must now build could constructively shake up Germany’s sleepy consensus: the Greens pushing drastic and welcome progress towards electric cars and renewable energy and the FDP driving advances on long-neglected subjects like red-tape reduction and digitalisation. Many of the differences between the Greens and FDP were exaggerated for the election (the leading figures of the two parties, Cem Özdemir and Christian Lindner, address each other with “du”, or the informal pronoun; they get on, in other words). And anyway, a bit of conflict in the next government may do the country more good than harm, blowing away the cobwebs.The truth, of course, lies somewhere between pessimism and optimism. But to which is it closer? That will take some digestion. But my instinct is that the “Germany for optimists” is the more accurate. The election result is unsettling on several fronts, deeply so where the AfD is concerned. But much of Germany’s pre-election tranquility was illusory anyway. The anger had been building for years; the AfD’s success has just brought it to the surface, where perhaps it can even be understood and addressed. Questions that were going unanswered, tensions that were going unconfronted, now brook no oversight. (by The Economist corrispondent) graphic: german election)

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Trump’s unlawful request

Posted by fidest press agency su giovedì, 13 luglio 2017

tammyPresident Trump created a Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity. It’s first order of business was demanding that states hand over voter data — including names, birth dates, political affiliations, voting histories, felony convictions, military records, and the last four digits of voters’ Social Security numbers.This request goes against federal and Illinois state laws. Federal law protects state governments from having to comply with unnecessary, burdensome information requests, and the Illinois Election Code protects the confidentiality of voter registration data.
I’m proud to say that Illinois State Board of Elections just joined an overwhelming majority of states in refusing to comply with President Trump’s request.We all know President Trump’s true goal is to find a way to put more voter suppression laws on the books. Demand he abolish this committee.If you remember, after President Trump lost the popular vote by three million votes, he started making unsubstantiated claims that millions of voters had voted illegally in the 2016 election — even though state and federal election officials have no evidence voter fraud exists.That’s why this committee is a sham. If President Trump was seriously interested in voting integrity, he would investigate our nation’s vulnerability to foreign interference in our elections and the effect of state’s strict voter ID laws on enfranchisement.But rather than safeguard our election infrastructure or protect Americans’ right to vote, President Trump is trying to take steps to suppress it. (by Tammy Duckworth)

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Theresa May seeks a snap election

Posted by fidest press agency su giovedì, 20 aprile 2017

Theresa MayIT IS less than two years since Britain’s last general election, ten months since the Brexit referendum and nine months since Theresa May entered 10 Downing Street, replacing David Cameron. Yet today the prime minister announced that the country would soon face more upheaval: a snap general election on June 8th. Polls suggest that her Conservative Party will win comfortably. But Britain’s negotiations with the European Union will make the election a more complicated contest than Britain has seen in many years.
Under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act of 2011, Mrs May needs the backing of two-thirds of the House of Commons to call an election. (Oddly, her own MPs will have to vote in favour of a motion of no confidence in the government in order to bring the election about.) But this will be a formality: the leaders of the main opposition parties have already said they are in favour.
They could hardly be seen to turn down a chance to eject the government. But the truth is that for many in the Labour Party, the official opposition, the election is uncomfortably timed. Labour trails the Tories in the polls by more than 20 percentage points (see chart below), thanks mainly to the unpopularity of its leader, Jeremy Corbyn, an uncharismatic far-leftist who was chosen with enthusiasm by the party’s members in 2015, and again in 2016, but who fails to appeal to voters more widely. Bookmakers are giving odds as long as ten to one of Labour winning more seats than the Conservatives.More likely is that Mrs May will be able to extend her working majority, currently just 17, which will give her a freer hand both in her EU negotiations and in setting an agenda at home, where she has so far proposed very little. She also has in mind her lack of a direct mandate: she has never won a general election, having succeeded Mr Cameron as prime minister only via a Tory party leadership contest.In her statement announcing her intention to seek an election she went further, implying that it was a chance to heal divisions over Brexit. “The country is coming together, but Westminster is not,” she said. In fact, something like the reverse is true: whereas polls and street marches show that a large minority remain bitterly against Brexit, in February MPs dutifully backed the legislation allowing her to trigger it by 492 votes to 122. Nonetheless, winning a general election would allow Mrs May to claim popular backing for her “hard” approach to Brexit—including taking Britain out of the EU’s single market—something that the referendum did not specify.Going to the country carries risks for the prime minister. One penalty for doing so is giving up nearly two months of the government’s time and energy, when it has just two years to negotiate its exit terms with the EU. That was already a narrow window; the government’s agenda now looks more hurried still. Mrs May might calculate that not much is going to happen until after the German elections in September, so there is little to lose.Another complicating factor is the unstable situation in Scotland and Northern Ireland. Only recently Mrs May turned down a request by Nicola Sturgeon, Scotland’s first minister, for an independence referendum in Scotland, on the basis that it would be irresponsible to hold such a vote when the terms of Brexit were not yet clear. It is hard to see why the same cannot be said of holding a general election now in Britain. In Northern Ireland, meanwhile, the power-sharing government is currently suspended, and there is the prospect of a fresh election to its devolved assembly.Perhaps the biggest complication at home, however, is that division over Brexit has unpredictable consequences for how people will cast their vote. The populist UK Independence Party was jubilant after achieving its defining ambition of Brexit last summer, and was billed by some as a future rival to Labour in many parts of England; but it has since flopped in by-elections. The leftish Liberal Democrats, meanwhile, have defined themselves as the opponents of Brexit, a strategy which has seen them picking up seats in council and parliamentary contests since the referendum. Some senior Tories worry that the Lib Dems will deprive them of victory in many parts of London and the south-west. These factors meant that the decision to go to the country was harder than it might have looked for a prime minister with a near-record lead in the polls. Last year Mrs May ruled out an election before 2020. In performing a U-turn she seems to have decided that the gamble is worth it. (font: The Economist) (photo: theresa may)

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The election result was not decided in the Kremlin

Posted by fidest press agency su lunedì, 19 dicembre 2016

putin-trumpWHY is it unsettling to see Republicans and Democrats squabbling afresh about Russian meddling in last month’s presidential election? After all, the allegation being debated has been known for months: namely, that in 2015 and again in 2016 at least two groups of hackers with known links to Russian intelligence broke into the computer systems of the Democratic National Committee, as that party’s national headquarters is known, and into the private e-mail system of such figures as John Podesta, the chairman of Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign, then released a slew of embarrassing e-mails to WikiLeaks. Before the election a joint public statement by the director of national intelligence and secretary of homeland security said that intelligence agencies were “confident” that the Russian government directed the hacking.All that has changed is that—thanks to reporting by the Washington Post and New York Times—we now know that the CIA briefed senior members of Congress before and after the election that, in the consensus view of intelligence analysts, the Russians’ motive was not just to undermine confidence in American democracy, but to seek Mrs Clinton’s defeat. Outside Washington, Americans (who mostly dislike President Vladimir Putin according to polls) seem to have shrugged off the news. President-elect Trump was cheered by spectators when he turned up in Baltimore to watch the Army-Navy football game, an annual pageant of patriotism.
And that is what is, or should be, so unsettling. Russian interference in elections across the Western world is a nasty virus (see article). Normally, America is protected by powerful, bipartisan immune responses against such a menace. It also boasts some of the world’s most sophisticated intelligence and cyber-defences, and when spooks tell the Republicans and Democrats who lead Congress and sit on the House and Senate intelligence committees of hostile acts by a foreign power, love of country generates a unified immune response. It is not kicking in this time.
The problem is not that all Republicans dismiss the claim that Russia tried to meddle in the election. Committee chairmen have promised urgent hearings. “We cannot allow foreign governments to interfere in our democracy,” said Representative Michael McCaul, a Texas Republican and chairman of the Homeland Security Committee. Senator John McCain of Arizona, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, told reporters: “Everybody that I know, unclassified, has said that the Russians interfered in this election. They hacked into my campaign in 2008; is it a surprise to anyone?” The chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, Representative Devin Nunes of California, said that he believes Russia is guilty, but then turned his fire on the Obama administration, blaming the president’s desire for a reset of relations with Moscow.Yet Republicans are not conceding a more incendiary idea: that, in what seems to be the CIA’s view, the authoritarian, anti-American government of Russia tried to help Mr Trump. Mr Nunes, a prominent Trump supporter, calls that “innuendo” based on “lots of circumstantial evidence, that’s it.” Others are taking the view that it is all very complicated and murky. “All this ‘news’ of Russian hacking: it has been going on for years,” Senator John Cornyn of Texas, a member of Republican leadership, tweeted. “Serious, but hardly news.” According to unnamed officials quoted in the Post, some Republican members agreed that Russia was a hostile actor, but then argued that logically this meant the government in Moscow would be more likely to want Mr Trump defeated.
AdvertisementDemocratic leaders, who are in the minority in both chambers of Congress, have responded by trying to embarrass Republicans into taking a bipartisan approach. The incoming Senate minority leader, Senator Charles Schumer of New York, called it “stunning and not surprising” that the CIA should charge Russia with trying to elect Mr Trump. “That any country could be meddling in our elections should shake both political parties to their core,” Mr Schumer said in a statement. Others have thanked Mr Obama for ordering an investigation into what is known about Russian meddling, and expressed hopes that as much as possible of the probe would be made public before the next president’s inauguration on January 20th.The reasons for this partisan stand-off are not mysterious. Mr Trump has declared that the allegations of Russian hacking are simply unproven, and launched an attack on the credibility of the intelligence agencies that he will soon command without obvious precedent. Interviewed recently by Time magazine, Mr Trump said of the hacking: “It could be Russia. And it could be China. And it could be some guy in his home in New Jersey.” Asked about his desire for a reset of relations with Mr Putin—precisely the strategy held against Mr Obama by Republicans—Mr Trump is unapologetic. “Why not get along with Russia?” he asked Time. The Russians are “effective” and “can help us fight ISIS.” Still more remarkably, a statement from the Trump transition office mocked American intelligence agencies. “These are the same people that said Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction,” it read. John Bolton, auditioning for a job in the next administration, questioned whether the hacking was carried out by America’s government to smear Mr Trump.
Many elements of Mr Trump’s policies make thoughtful Republicans queasy to the point of misery, from his fondness for Mr Putin to his willingness to pick up the telephone and bully company bosses, as if he were a Gaullist French president. But many of those Mr Trump brought into the party are Trump voters more than they are Republicans, and they frighten and cow members of the party that he now heads.
Some grass-roots conservatives also see much to like in a Russian-style approach to fighting Islamic terrorism, if that means an unsqueamish willingness to back secular autocrats in the Middle East, and attack targets in Syria with indifference to who is underneath. Mr Trump is clearly tempted to do a deal with Mr Putin in which America applauds as Russian warplanes carry out a campaign promise to “bomb the shit out of ISIS”. The bet in Trump Tower is that the other side of any such deal, perhaps involving the lifting of sanctions on Russia, or a promise not to back any further enlargement of NATO, will be greeted by the American public with a yawn.There is of course no evidence of collusion between Mr Trump and Russia. Mr Putin’s fierce dislike of Mrs Clinton, who as secretary of state questioned the validity of the 2011 elections in Russia, is more than enough motive to want her defeated. It seems unlikely that last-minute leaks of Democratic e-mails changed the result. Most straightforwardly, a close election is over and Democratic leaders are not questioning the result. Does the squabble matter then? Yes. When the next president of America takes his oath of office in January, officers of Russian intelligence will think they pulled off a historic win. That this fact has divided rather than uniting the two parties that run the world’s great democracy should unsettle anyone. (font: The Economist) (photo: putin-trump)

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U.S.A.: This election is more important than 2008 and 2012

Posted by fidest press agency su mercoledì, 5 ottobre 2016

trumpNow, that may sound incredible — after all, I’m the guy who had the honor of winning those races. And we’ve been able to accomplish amazing, important things for the people of this country because of our victories. But as much as I may have disagreed with the men I ran against four and eight years ago, I didn’t question whether they were fundamentally capable of serving as president. I didn’t have to worry that our very democracy would be endangered if they won.This year is different. Donald Trump is unfit to handle the demands of the presidency. His election wouldn’t just mean four years of turning back the clock on all our progress — it could very well mean lasting damage to the nation we love. We have to do everything we can to stop him. It’s never been more important. Right now, our team is falling short of where we need to be in terms of fundraising, and with 36 days to go, we can’t waste a minute.

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Cameron: taking a gamble on Europe

Posted by fidest press agency su mercoledì, 1 aprile 2015

cameronDavid Cameron undertook to organise a referendum by the end of 2017 to decide whether the United Kingdom should remain within or withdraw from the European Union, should he remain the British Prime Minister after the general election on 7 May 2015.
Due to this public commitment, the general election of 7 May 2015 will take on a scale that, going beyond the importance of domestic politics, will directly affect the European Union (EU) and all of the United Kingdom’s twenty-seven partners.Through this promise, the Prime Minister mainly strove to stop or slow the rise of UKIP (United Kingdom Independence Party) which:
– champions a UK exit from the EU,
– has recorded steadily rising electoral results,
– and which polls credit with some 16% of voting intentions.
On the assumption that a referendum is held, Cameron intends to campaign to keep the UK within the EU, provided that he can first obtain a modification to the European treaties which would confer a special status on the United Kingdom. The negotiations that he intends to launch in this respect will focus in particular on:
– the free movement of people in Europe, and specifically migrants’ entitlement to benefits,
– relations between Member States which have not adopted the Euro and members of the Euro area,
– and the removal of the objective stated in the treaties of an “ever closer union between the peoples of Europe”.
While he may hope to find some allies on some of the points he raises, the negotiation will be difficult, even perilous for Cameron. By his own admission, the changes that he calls for would require a modification of the existing treaties. To do this, he would need the unanimous agreement of all twenty-eight Member States. A seemingly impossible challenge.
A Conservative victory on 7 May 2015 is not guaranteed. Far from it. The Labour party is currently neck and neck with the Conservatives in the polls, even slightly ahead. In addition, UKIP’s progression, which takes voters away from both major parties, is likely to make the difference.
Should Labour win, a referendum will not be held: Labour leader Ed Miliband has said that he has no intention to hold one, unless there were further transfers of power within the Union. Cameron, however, will not be able to back out should he stay at 10 Downing Street. Should he try, UKIP would do its utmost to prevent him. Yet the stakes are high in the political gamble that he is preparing to take: while they want the UK to remain within the Union, his partners are not willing to make major concessions. Cameron also faces explicit misgivings from Washington. (photo Cameron)

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European elections: What form of cohabitation between France and the EU?

Posted by fidest press agency su giovedì, 29 maggio 2014

electionThis Tribune by Yves Bertoncini explains that the result of the European elections in France and in Europe on 22-25 May teaches us three major lessons at both the national and the Community level:
1. The Right in government has lost ground and the Left in government is treading water, both in France and in Europe as a whole, to the benefit of eurosceptic and europhobic parties
2. The National Front’s lead singles France out and weakens it in Europe
3. The new European Parliament’s decisions will continue to rest on the variable-geometry majorities set in motion by the conservatives and the socialists and democrats under the europhobes’ gaze
So all in all, the European election has opened up an era of cohabitation not only between majority pro-European forces and minority europhobic forces, but also between France and the other members of the EU in areas extending well beyond the mere arena of the European Parliament.This Tribune was published in the French edition of the Huffington Post (election)

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Elections européennes de 2014: le débat c’est maintenant!

Posted by fidest press agency su domenica, 15 settembre 2013

Afin de préparer les élections européennes de mai 2014, Notre Europe – Institut Jacques Delors, EuroCité et Europartenaires organisent une grande conférence de rentrée ouverte au public « Elections européennes de 2014 : le débat c’est maintenant » le 16 septembre 2013 à Paris, à l’Assemblée nationale.Cette conférence abordera les principaux enjeux des prochaines élections européennes (démocratie, crise économique et sociale, enjeux extérieurs), afin de lancer le débat en vue du vote du 25 mai 2013. Elle s’inscrit dans le cadre du vaste cycle de conférences espace public européen, initié début 2013, et qui a aussi pour objectif d’écouter les remarques et les attentes exprimées par le public.Cette conférence sera introduite par Thierry Repentin, ministre français des Affaires européennes, conclue par Jacques Delors, Président fondateur de Notre Europe-Institut Jacques Delors et aura pour intervenants, entre autres, Elizabeth Guigou, Présidente de la Commission des Affaires étrangères de l’Assemblée nationale, Présidente fondatrice d’Europartenaires, ancienne ministre, Pascal Lamy, ancien directeur de l’OMC et Président d’honneur de Notre Europe-Institut Jacques Delors, Pervenche Berès, Présidente la Commission de l’emploi et des affaires sociales au Parlement européen (PSE), Sandro Gozi, Député italien, membre du Parti Démocrate, Sylvie Goulard, députée européenne ALDE, Guy Verhofstadt, Président du groupe Alliance des démocrates et des libéraux pour l’Europe au Parlement européen,Bernadino Leon, Représentant spécial de l’UE pour la région du Sud de la Méditerranée, Yannick JADOT, Député européen, Groupe des Verts/Alliance libre européenne au Parlement européen et Bernadette SÉGOL, Secrétaire générale de la Confédération européenne des syndicats.

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Europe at the polls. Lessons from the 2013 Italian elections

Posted by fidest press agency su martedì, 18 giugno 2013

One of the interesting aspects of the 2013 elections in Italy is that they appear to innovate in several respects. Since they unfolded during a severe economic crisis, in which EU austerity policies had created strong discontent, European issues could not be ignored. Some of the race’s major themes revolved around the policies candidates intended to pursue vis-à-vis the EU if they were elected. ‘European-level parties’ and their representatives in European institutions played a meaningful role in several instances. Other member states closely followed the elections, and several foreign leaders even voiced their preference. Considerations related to European issues also seem to have influenced the choice of various groups of voters. All this transformed the nature of the election, which became an important moment in European political life. It is still too soon to assess the consequences at the EU level. Yet one can only be struck by the fact that this ‘Europeanisation’ pattern replicates developments that occurred in the 2012 elections in countries like France and Greece. It remains to be seen whether this transformation of the electoral process should be seen as an occasional phenomenon, prompted by a context of crisis, or rather the harbinger of a profound change in party competition throughout Europe.

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Italian buyout market hangs in the balance until election day

Posted by fidest press agency su martedì, 12 febbraio 2013

London/Milan – Despite a fiery political climate ahead of Italy’s parliamentary elections, domestic buyouts have surged 125% to hit EUR 1.2bn so far in 2013 compared to the same period last year. The boost in value largely stems from CVC finalizing a EUR 1.13bn buyout of local business information group, Cerved, from previous private equity owners Bain Capital and Clessidra.The deal is equivalent to 44.4% of 2012’s full year total of EUR 2.7bn, according to mergermarket data.
“Political and financial uncertainties mounting in southern European markets over the past 12 months are now confronted by the emerging scandal over loss-making derivatives trades made by the world’s oldest and Italy’s third largest bank, Monte dei Paschi, casting a shadow over eurozone plans for a banking union,” mergermarket senior correspondent Pamela Barbaglia says.No more than eight buyouts have been made in any month for over a year and deal values had not reached more than EUR 1bn in 18 months before the CVC deal. Furthermore, a large proportion of deals made in 2012 were due to the governments’ economic restructuring via Cassa Depositi e Prestiti. A consistent lack of Italian buyouts for the whole of 2012 and leading into 2013 illustrates investors’ caution amid headlining news.“The upcoming elections on 24-25 February are seen as pivotal to reassuring investors contending with Silvio Berlusconi’s latest political resurrection.” The current economic climate differs to that seen during the April 2008 election of Berlusconi’s party but amidst inconsistent monthly values and volumes that year, the quarter of the election was the highest in five years with deals valued EUR 4.6bn despite April being the lowest month in terms of deal value.
The CVC deal may well present the 2013 election period with a similar trend with Q1 already beating the equivalent period last year but time will tell if the following quarters’ deal values will decline akin to the three that followed in 2008. “Even after the elections, the shape of the new government will be largely determined through post-election alliances, and this will once again test the resilience of Italy’s bond market,” Barbaglia says.

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Burma’s Aung San Suu Kyi Wins By-Election

Posted by fidest press agency su lunedì, 2 aprile 2012

Aung San Suu Kyi greeting supporters from Bago...

Aung San Suu Kyi greeting supporters from Bago State on 14 August 2011. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Aung San Suu Kyi, a Burmese politician and Nobel Peace Prize winner 1991, in the forefront of world news because, although she won the democratic elections in here country, not only was she denied the rigth to govern but was imprisioned –
NOVEMBER 13 th 2010 – Realesed Aung San Suu Kyi
APRIL 1 th 2012 – Burma By-Election “win” Aung San Suu Kyi

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The view from outside Washington

Posted by fidest press agency su giovedì, 14 aprile 2011

The President’s speech yesterday began a new conversation in Washington about how to reduce the deficit while protecting crucial investments in our country’s future. But as we seek to build an organization based outside of Washington, President Obama’s speech also provides an unusually stark contrast — one all of us can use to start conversations with our friends and neighbors about what’s at stake in this election. He spoke about things you don’t generally hear in Washington conversations too often dominated by special interests: He’ll cut waste and excess at the Pentagon — particularly spending that is requested not by our military, but by politicians and corporate interests. He’ll eliminate tax cuts for Americans in the highest tax brackets who don’t need them, including himself — and he will reform the individual tax code so that it’s fair and simple and so that the amount of taxes you pay isn’t determined by what kind of accountant you can afford.Some cuts he proposed are tough. But they’re also smart and surgical — helping us balance our books while still doing the right things to win the future. President Obama’s plan would protect the middle class, invest in our kids’ education, and make sure we don’t protect the wealthiest Americans from the costs of reform at the expense of the most vulnerable. The other side has presented a very clear alternative: End Medicare as we know it, privatizing the program that millions of seniors rely on for health care. Make deep cuts to education. Slash investments in clean energy and infrastructure. All to pay for tax cuts for people making over $250,000 a year, and all while actually raising our national debt. In short, their plan will please a special interest donor base and those who put ideology before results rather than reduce deficits over the long term. And let’s be clear: They think they can get away with it because, fundamentally, they don’t think you’ll do anything about it. Because we can respond right now by building an organization that will stop them — not just in this deficit battle, but in the next election so they never have the chance to enact these proposals. Here’s the first step. Join our fight for a deficit reduction plan that will actually reduce the deficit — with a goal of shared prosperity through shared responsibility. Add your name to support President Obama’s plan — and then help bring more people into the conversation.

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