Fidest – Agenzia giornalistica/press agency

Quotidiano di informazione – Anno 31 n° 259

Posts Tagged ‘xi jinping’

Una conferenza sulla Cina di Xi Jinping alla Fondazione Einaudi

Posted by fidest press agency su martedì, 19 marzo 2019

Torino 20 marzo alle 17 alla Fondazione Luigi Einaudi, in via Principe Amedeo 34 si terrà una conferenza sulla Cina di Xi Jinping alla Fondazione Einaudi. ”Economia, società e politica nella Cina di Xi Jinping”: è il tema – quanto mai attuale nei giorni che precedono la firma del memorandum d’intesa sulla Nuova Via della Seta, che il leader cinese siglerà con l’Italia tra breve durante la sua visita nel nostro paese. A condurla sarà Ignazio Musu, professore emerito di Economia politica all’Università di Venezia. All’incontro, moderato da Terenzio Cozzi, interverranno Giovanni Balcet, Giuseppe Gabusi e Vittorio Valli.
Ignazio Musu è autore di “Eredi di Mao. Economia, società, politica nella Cina di Xi Jinping” (Donzelli, 2018), di “La Cina contemporanea” (Il Mulino, 2011) e di numerosi altri lavori su temi di economia della crescita e dello sviluppo, di economia dell’ambiente, di politica economica, di etica ed economia.

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Lettera aperta al Presidente Xi Jinping, in occasione della sua visita in Italia

Posted by fidest press agency su lunedì, 18 marzo 2019

La invia Vincenzo Olita Presidente Società Libera: “Signor Presidente Xi Jinping,In occasione della sua visita in Italia, Società Libera, Associazione, apartitica, di cultura liberale, ritiene necessario manifestare il suo profondo dissenso per la dissennata politica sui Diritti Umani praticata in Cina. Lei rappresenta un grande Paese, ricco di storia, di cultura, di complessità di competenza politica e di una lunga tradizione diplomatica, punti di forza che consideriamo significativi, al di là dei vostri risultati economici e tecnologici. Tuttavia, l’immagine della Cina sulla scena internazionale esce fortemente compromessa dal nodo critico della gestione dei Diritti Umani. I Popoli Tibetano e Uyghuro, per citare gli esempi più eclatanti, sono oggetto di sistematica repressione, a loro sono negate le libertà fondamentali e il diritto di vivere la propria identità culturale, religiosa e linguistica. Noi riteniamo che un grande Paese non possa essere davvero tale senza il rispetto dei Diritti Umani: una stabilità e un equilibrio mantenuti con la repressione non sono sostenibili a lungo, perché il Paese ne perde di credibilità e di autorevolezza internazionale, non riuscendo ad incarnare quella leadership morale cara proprio alla tradizione culturale cinese. Noi crediamo fermamente che supremazia e concorrenza nel mondo si giochino anche su questo terreno e non solo su crescita ed indicatori economici. Certo la difesa dei Diritti Umani deve prescindere da visioni banali e soluzioni semplicistiche, occorre affrontare la questione su scala globale per ricercare soluzioni politiche realizzabili. Noi invochiamo attenzione affinché la Cina non riservi all’Italia e all’Occidente lo stesso trattamento che ha dedicato finora all’Africa. I Diritti Umani, la libertà individuale, la difesa della dignità di tutte le culture, la
preservazione dell’ambiente sono patrimoni dell’Umanità non barattabili con interessi economici. Non saranno suggestivi progetti commerciali come la Nuova Via della Seta, né la cecità e l’evanescenza strategica della nostra classe politica che alla lunga premieranno, Signor Presidente, la repressione e le sopraffazioni praticate dal suo Paese. Non sarà la festosa e calorosa accoglienza dei governanti italiani di cui è nota da decenni l’inconsistenza della loro azione negli affari di politica estera, né la cortigianeria dei nostri mezzi d’informazione, a farci desistere dalla denuncia della sofferenza di interi popoli e minoranze, come assertori del liberalismo siamo convinti infatti che la difesa della libertà, di tutte le libertà, sia l’eterna vigilanza, Signor Presidente.” (fonte: http://www.societalibera.org)

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Xi Jinping’s thinking is ranked alongside Mao’s

Posted by fidest press agency su mercoledì, 25 ottobre 2017

Xi JinpingTHE constitution of the Chinese Communist Party defines what it means to be a party member and lists the organisation’s core beliefs. On October 24th a new principle was added to it: “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era”—quite a mouthful. Xinhua, a government news agency, said the change was approved at the end of a weeklong party congress, an event that takes place every five years. Party leaders had been parroting the cumbersome phrase for several days since Mr Xi, who is the party’s general secretary as well as president, first mentioned it (albeit without his own name attached) on the opening day of the gathering. Bill Bishop, an American China-watcher, says he writes it as XJPTSCCNE “to avoid getting carpal tunnel syndrome”.Talk of theory and whether someone is named in a document might sound recondite. But this has huge implications because it invests Mr Xi with more power than any Chinese leader since Mao Zedong. He is the first living leader to be mentioned in the party’s charter since Mao. Deng Xiaoping’s name is also in the constitution but this was an honour accorded him only after he died in 1997. Mr Xi’s two predecessors, Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, are not named. Moreover, Mr Xi’s thinking uses the same term in Chinese (sixiang) as the one in Mao Zedong Thought. Deng in contrast contributed only a “theory” (lilun), a less elevated term. No one can have more ideological authority than Mr Xi. The person has become the party in a way China has not seen since Mao.Mr Xi has made influential enemies during his first five years as party chief, notably the allies and clients of the hundreds of influential officials he has had arrested for corruption. He has also complained repeatedly that officials lower down the bureaucracy are stymying his orders. This could change, because to oppose him now would be regarded more than ever as opposition to the party itself. In principle, it could make decision-making in China smoother. But it raises the risk that underlings will tell Mr Xi only what they think he wants to hear, and increase the chances of bad policymaking.
It also makes the question of the succession moot. By precedent, the general secretary should serve two five-year terms. Mr Xi’s run out in 2022. Under the rules that used to govern Chinese politics, he would be expected to signal his choice of successor at a meeting of the Central Committee that is due to be held on October 25th. The candidate would normally be in the new Politburo Standing Committee, or inner sanctum of politics, that will be unveiled after the brief gathering. Rumours are rife that Wang Qishan, the chief graft-buster and close ally of Mr Xi, has been dropped from the Central Committee, and therefore will not be included in the new line-up. There had been speculation that Mr Xi might keep him in place, even though he has passed the normal retirement age of 68.It is not clear how much it matters now who is chosen to succeed Mr Xi, or whether he has anyone in mind. With his name in the constitution, he must be the ultimate arbiter of authority as long as he is alive, since he—along with Marx, Lenin, Mao and Deng—defines what it is to be a good Chinese Communist. (font: The Economist)

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China’s communists: It’s my party

Posted by fidest press agency su mercoledì, 18 ottobre 2017

congresso cinaON OCTOBER 18TH Xi Jinping, the leader of China’s Communist Party, will kick off a big party gathering in the Great Hall of the People in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. It will look like innumerable other party meetings. There will be a huge throng, 2,300-strong, mostly men in dark suits, a few of them in tribal costumes. There will be long speeches with impenetrable verbiage. No policies will change. But this meeting matters more than most because party congresses take place just once every five years and this is the first one to be chaired by Mr Xi. Like all congresses, it will revise the party constitution and elect a new political elite—the 370 or so members of the party’s Central Committee, to which all important decision-makers belong. It will also be a coronation and a test for Mr Xi. The coronation will reveal how much authority he has accumulated over the party. The test will reveal whether he is a rule-breaker or a rule-keeper.China’s Communist Party has held congresses since its foundation. The first was in 1921. But the practice of quinquennial gatherings dates to Deng Xiaoping’s attempts in the 1980s to introduce a sense of order and predictability after the chaos of the Cultural Revolution. Deng also introduced a number of other rules, or norms, that have more or less been kept for 20 years. Among them: that the leader should retire after two terms and appoint a successor after the first (meaning, in Mr Xi’s case, now); that there should be fixed retirement ages for top leaders (68 for the Central Committee); that people should move up the party in incremental steps, not leaps and bounds; and that at the end of his term the leader should be granted a kind of ideological canonisation, with an ideology associated with him written into the party’s constitution. All these rules are up for grabs at the coming congress.
The 19th congress is unusual because an exceptional number of people will retire or, following their arrest, be replaced. Mr Xi has already replaced the party leaders and governors in all but one of China’s 31 provinces, as well as most of the leadership of the army and roughly half his ministers. The replacement of almost three-quarters of the Central Committee will complete his dominance over the party. The congress will also reveal how Mr Xi intends to use his authority. If he replaces the prime minister with the anti-corruption chief, Wang Qishan, that would signal an extremely assertive approach and a willingness to break the rules. (Recent prime ministers have served two terms; at 69, Mr Wang breaches the retirement rule, too.) If Mr Xi promotes the 57-year-old Chen Min’er to the Standing Committee of the Politburo (the committee with the highest prestige), and no one else from the so-called sixth generation (born in the 1960s), that would indicate Mr Chen was being groomed as a successor. It would also show that Mr Xi is willing to ignore the rule about step-wise promotion, since Mr Chen has enjoyed a meteoric rise. But if Mr Xi promotes two sixth-generation leaders, that would imply the president is not willing to appoint a successor yet, which may in turn suggest he is considering staying on after the end of his normal term in power in 2022. If the congress changes the constitution to include a named reference to Mr Xi’s ideological writings, that would be a strong marker of his authority. His two predecessors received this honour only when they were retiring, and their names were not mentioned. Including Mr Xi in the party’s constitution would make him an ideological arbiter.The question is whether his elevated position will make any difference to policy. Mr Xi’s supporters say it will. They argue that economic reform is being stifled by opposition in the bureaucracy and that once Mr Xi has his allies in place he will be able to override resistance. But the chances must be against a burst of market-oriented chan (by The Economist)

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Xi Jinping: “The world’s most powerful man”

Posted by fidest press agency su venerdì, 13 ottobre 2017

the economistAMERICAN presidents have a habit of describing their Chinese counterparts in terms of awe. A fawning Richard Nixon said to Mao Zedong that the chairman’s writings had “changed the world”. To Jimmy Carter, Deng Xiaoping was a string of flattering adjectives: “smart, tough, intelligent, frank, courageous, personable, self-assured, friendly”. Bill Clinton described China’s then president, Jiang Zemin, as a “visionary” and “a man of extraordinary intellect”. Donald Trump is no less wowed. The Washington Post quotes him as saying that China’s current leader, Xi Jinping, is “probably the most powerful” China has had in a century.
Mr Trump may be right. And were it not political suicide for an American president to say so, he might plausibly have added: “Xi Jinping is the world’s most powerful leader.” To be sure, China’s economy is still second in size to America’s and its army, though rapidly gaining muscle, pales in comparison. But economic heft and military hardware are not everything. The leader of the free world has a narrow, transactional approach to foreigners and seems unable to enact his agenda at home. The United States is still the world’s most powerful country, but its leader is weaker at home and less effective abroad than any of his recent predecessors, not least because he scorns the values and alliances that underpin American influence.
The president of the world’s largest authoritarian state, by contrast, walks with swagger abroad. His grip on China is tighter than any leader’s since Mao. And whereas Mao’s China was chaotic and miserably poor, Mr Xi’s is a dominant engine of global growth. His clout will soon be on full display. On October 18th China’s ruling Communist Party will convene a five-yearly congress in Beijing (see Briefing). It will be the first one presided over by Mr Xi. Its 2,300 delegates will sing his praises to the skies. More sceptical observers might ask whether Mr Xi will use his extraordinary power for good or ill.
World, take noteOn his numerous foreign tours, Mr Xi presents himself as an apostle of peace and friendship, a voice of reason in a confused and troubled world. Mr Trump’s failings have made this much easier. At Davos in January Mr Xi promised the global elite that he would be a champion of globalisation, free trade and the Paris accord on climate change. Members of his audience were delighted and relieved. At least, they thought, one great power was willing to stand up for what was right, even if Mr Trump (then president-elect) would not.
Mr Xi’s words are heeded partly because he has the world’s largest stockpile of foreign currency to back them up. His “Belt and Road Initiative” may be puzzlingly named, but its message is clear—hundreds of billions of dollars of Chinese money are to be invested abroad in railways, ports, power stations and other infrastructure that will help vast swathes of the world to prosper. That is the kind of leadership America has not shown since the post-war days of the Marshall Plan in western Europe (which was considerably smaller).Mr Xi is also projecting what for China is unprecedented military power abroad. This year he opened the country’s first foreign military base, in Djibouti. He has sent the Chinese navy on manoeuvres ever farther afield, including in July on NATO’s doorstep in the Baltic Sea alongside Russia’s fleet. China says it would never invade other countries to impose its will (apart from Taiwan, which it does not consider a country). Its base-building efforts are to support peacekeeping, anti-piracy and humanitarian missions, it says. As for the artificial islands with military-grade runways it is building in the South China Sea, these are purely defensive.Unlike Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president, Mr Xi is not a global troublemaker who seeks to subvert democracy and destabilise the West. Still, he is too tolerant of troublemaking by his nuke-brandishing ally, North Korea (see Schumpeter). And some of China’s military behaviour alarms its neighbours, not only in South-East Asia but also in India and Japan.At home, Mr Xi’s instincts are at least as illiberal as those of his Russian counterpart. He believes that even a little political permissiveness could prove not only his own undoing, but that of his regime. The fate of the Soviet Union haunts him, and that insecurity has consequences. He mistrusts not only the enemies his purges have created but also China’s fast-growing, smartphone-wielding middle class, and the shoots of civil society that were sprouting when he took over. He seems determined to tighten control over Chinese society, not least by enhancing the state’s powers of surveillance, and to keep the commanding heights of the economy firmly under the party’s thumb. All this will make China less rich than it should be, and a more stifling place to live. Human-rights abuses have grown worse under Mr Xi, with barely a murmur of complaint from other world leaders.
Liberals once mourned the “ten lost years” of reform under Mr Xi’s predecessor, Hu Jintao. Those ten years have become 15, and may exceed 20. Some optimists argue that we have not yet seen the real Mr Xi—that the congress will help him consolidate his power, and after that he will begin social and economic reforms in earnest, building on his relative success in curbing corruption. If he is a closet pluralist, however, he disguises it well. And alarmingly for those who believe that all leaders have a sell-by date, Mr Xi is thought to be reluctant to step down in 2022, when precedent suggests he should.
Mr Xi may think that concentrating more or less unchecked power over 1.4bn Chinese in the hands of one man is, to borrow one of his favourite terms, the “new normal” of Chinese politics. But it is not normal; it is dangerous. No one should have that much power. One-man rule is ultimately a recipe for instability in China, as it has been in the past—think of Mao and his Cultural Revolution. It is also a recipe for arbitrary behaviour abroad, which is especially worrying at a time when Mr Trump’s America is pulling back and creating a power vacuum. The world does not want an isolationist United States or a dictatorship in China. Alas, it may get both. (This article appeared in the Leaders section of the print edition under the headline “The world’s most powerful man” by The Economist)

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